TY  - JOUR
AU  - Milosavljević, Slađan
AU  - Jeftić, Zoran
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/365
AB  - After the collapse of the Soviet state, during the last decades of the 21st century, Russia found itself in the system crisis in cataclysmic measures that threatened to disintegrate this once powerful state. Political and economic power was significantly displaced outside the institutions of the system in the hands of oligarchs and regional governors, which threaten to disintegrate the federal system and problems in the economic, social, demographic and military sphere shook the foundations of the Russian state. On the international stage, Russia's influence was marginalized. All the elements of its hard and soft power were reduced. Russia has lost the attributes of a superpower and the leader of the former socialist camp was reduced to the level of a regional power. With the arrival of Vladimir Putin as the President of the RF in 2000 began a new phase in the development of post-Soviet Russia. Initiated extensive internal political, economic and social reforms, as well as changes in foreign and security policy, resulted in a gradual recovery and consolidation of the Russian state and society. An essential feature of political life in Russia is the personalization of the power and the institution of the President of the RF, which largely depends on the personality of the president and his inner circle. This distinction is rooted in the political tradition and culture, and the imperial legacy. Some Western authors state that the tradition of the autocratic rule is in the heart of Russian political culture, while Russian authors believe that a strong central government, embodied in the institution of the head of state in modern Russia is a necessity in the initial phase of democratization and social transition. From the beginning, Putin has sought to pour "people from their inner circle" "into all levels of government and spheres that generate social and political power." This profiled the structure of Putin's regime, which is a very active process of permanent change of position, role and importance of individual personalities, as well as their "migration" from one sphere of government to another. In the process, the overall fluctuations of high-ranking politicians, divided into clans and influential groups (the so-called siloviki, technocrats and liberals), Putin is the "headquarters" of the entire regime. Estimates of the regime of Russian President V. Putin, his personality, as well as a trail that is left in modern history, are more polarized and controversial than estimates of many other figures of Russia, and even global politics. However, the importance that Putin has for Russia and its position and role in the XXI century is undeniable, as well as his controversial planetary authority, or his global popularity. Putin is one of the most influential politicians in the world and the authors' opinions of him are so divided, conflicting, contradictory and "ideologically colored" that any attempt of his generalization represents an endeavor foredoomed to failure. The amplitude of reactions is ranging from awe and glorification, to protest and scorn. It is undisputed that he is a charismatic, pragmatic and capable statesman. It is also an indisputable fact that the implementation of his policy has the outright support of the Russian people. Critics of Putin's regime as its main characteristic state the rigidity of the government, inflexibility, lack of transparency, bureaucratic domination of political and economic elites, instability in the sense of being based on the personality of the President and not on the balance of institutions.
AB  - Nakon raspada sovjetske države Rusija se našla u sistemskoj krizi koja je pretila da dezintegriše nekada moćnu državu. Politička i ekonomska moć bila je u značajnoj meri izmeštena van institucija sistema, u ruke oligarha i regionalnih gubernatora. Problemi u ekonomskoj, socijalnoj, demografskoj i vojnoj sferi potresali su temelje ruske države. Na međunarodnoj sceni, uticaj Rusije bio je marginalizovan. Svi elementi njene tvrde i meke moći, bili su umanjeni. Rusija je izgubila atribute supersile i nekadašnja predvodnica socijalističkog lagera svedena je na nivo regionalne sile. Dolaskom Vladimira Putina na mesto predsednika RF 2000. godine, počela je nova faza u razvoju postsovjetske Rusije. Pokrenute su opsežne unutrašnje političke, ekonomske i socijalne reforme, kao i promene u spoljnoj i bezbednosnoj politici, što je rezultiralo postepenim oporavkom i konsolidacijom ruske države i društva. Jedna od suštinskih odlika političkog života Rusije jeste personalizacija vlasti, odnosno institucije Predsednika RF, koja u velikoj meri zavisi od ličnosti samog predsednika i njegovog najbližeg okruženja. Ova odlika ukorenjena je u političkoj tradiciji i kulturi, odnosno u imperijalnom nasleđu. Pojedini zapadni autori navode da je tradicija autokratskog vladanja u srži ruske političke kulture, dok ruski autori smatraju da snažna centralna vlast, oličena u instituciji predsednika države, u savremenoj Rusiji predstavlja nužnost u početnoj fazi demokratizacije i tranzicije društva. Putin je od početka nastojao da "ljude iz svog najbližeg okruženja "razlije" u sve nivoe vlasti i sfere koje generišu društvenu i političku moć". Time se profilisala struktura Putinovog režima u kojoj je veoma aktivan proces permanentne smene pozicija, uloga i značaja pojedinih ličnosti, kao i njihovo "seljenje" iz jedne sfere vlasti u drugu. U celokupnom tom procesu fluktacije visoko-pozicioniranih političara, svrstanih u uticajne grupe i klanove (tzv. siloviki, tehnokrate i liberali), Putin ima ulogu "stožera" celokupnog režima. Ocene o režimu ruskog predsednika V. Putina, njegovoj ličnosti, kao i tragu koji je ostavio u modernoj istoriji, polarizovanije su i kontroverznije nego ocene o mnogim drugim ličnostima ruske, pa i globalne politike. Međutim, značaj koji Putin ima za Rusiju i njenu poziciju i ulogu u XXI veku, nesporan je, kao što nisu sporni ni njegov planetarni autoritet, ni njegova globalna popularnost. Putin je jedan od najuticajnijih političara na svetu, ali su mišljenja autora u vezi sa njim toliko podeljena, oprečna, suprotstavljena i "ideološki obojena", da bi svaki pokušaj njihove generalizacije predstavljao poduhvat unapred osuđen na neuspeh. Amplitude reakcija kreću se od glorifikacije i divljenja, do osporavanja i nipodaštavanja. Nesporno je da je reč o harizmatičnom, pragmatičnom i sposobnom državniku, kao što je nesporna i činjenica da za sprovođenje svoje politike ima natpolovičnu podršku ruskog naroda. Kritičari Putinovog režima kao njegove osnovne odlike navode rigidnost vlasti, nefleksibilnost, netransparentnost, birokratizovanost, dominaciju političko- ekonomskih elita, nestabilnost u smislu zasnovanosti na ličnosti predsednika, a ne na balansu institucija.
PB  - Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd
T2  - Review of International Affairs
T1  - Vladimir Putin and analysis of the role of leaders in the formation and implementation of state policy in contemporary Russia: Reviews and critics of Putin's regime
T1  - Vladimir Putin i analiza uloge ličnosti lidera u formiranju i sprovođenju državne politike u savremenoj Rusiji - ocene i kritike Putinovog režima
IS  - 1165
SP  - 47
EP  - 64
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Milosavljević, Slađan and Jeftić, Zoran and Mladenović, Miroslav",
year = "2017",
abstract = "After the collapse of the Soviet state, during the last decades of the 21st century, Russia found itself in the system crisis in cataclysmic measures that threatened to disintegrate this once powerful state. Political and economic power was significantly displaced outside the institutions of the system in the hands of oligarchs and regional governors, which threaten to disintegrate the federal system and problems in the economic, social, demographic and military sphere shook the foundations of the Russian state. On the international stage, Russia's influence was marginalized. All the elements of its hard and soft power were reduced. Russia has lost the attributes of a superpower and the leader of the former socialist camp was reduced to the level of a regional power. With the arrival of Vladimir Putin as the President of the RF in 2000 began a new phase in the development of post-Soviet Russia. Initiated extensive internal political, economic and social reforms, as well as changes in foreign and security policy, resulted in a gradual recovery and consolidation of the Russian state and society. An essential feature of political life in Russia is the personalization of the power and the institution of the President of the RF, which largely depends on the personality of the president and his inner circle. This distinction is rooted in the political tradition and culture, and the imperial legacy. Some Western authors state that the tradition of the autocratic rule is in the heart of Russian political culture, while Russian authors believe that a strong central government, embodied in the institution of the head of state in modern Russia is a necessity in the initial phase of democratization and social transition. From the beginning, Putin has sought to pour "people from their inner circle" "into all levels of government and spheres that generate social and political power." This profiled the structure of Putin's regime, which is a very active process of permanent change of position, role and importance of individual personalities, as well as their "migration" from one sphere of government to another. In the process, the overall fluctuations of high-ranking politicians, divided into clans and influential groups (the so-called siloviki, technocrats and liberals), Putin is the "headquarters" of the entire regime. Estimates of the regime of Russian President V. Putin, his personality, as well as a trail that is left in modern history, are more polarized and controversial than estimates of many other figures of Russia, and even global politics. However, the importance that Putin has for Russia and its position and role in the XXI century is undeniable, as well as his controversial planetary authority, or his global popularity. Putin is one of the most influential politicians in the world and the authors' opinions of him are so divided, conflicting, contradictory and "ideologically colored" that any attempt of his generalization represents an endeavor foredoomed to failure. The amplitude of reactions is ranging from awe and glorification, to protest and scorn. It is undisputed that he is a charismatic, pragmatic and capable statesman. It is also an indisputable fact that the implementation of his policy has the outright support of the Russian people. Critics of Putin's regime as its main characteristic state the rigidity of the government, inflexibility, lack of transparency, bureaucratic domination of political and economic elites, instability in the sense of being based on the personality of the President and not on the balance of institutions., Nakon raspada sovjetske države Rusija se našla u sistemskoj krizi koja je pretila da dezintegriše nekada moćnu državu. Politička i ekonomska moć bila je u značajnoj meri izmeštena van institucija sistema, u ruke oligarha i regionalnih gubernatora. Problemi u ekonomskoj, socijalnoj, demografskoj i vojnoj sferi potresali su temelje ruske države. Na međunarodnoj sceni, uticaj Rusije bio je marginalizovan. Svi elementi njene tvrde i meke moći, bili su umanjeni. Rusija je izgubila atribute supersile i nekadašnja predvodnica socijalističkog lagera svedena je na nivo regionalne sile. Dolaskom Vladimira Putina na mesto predsednika RF 2000. godine, počela je nova faza u razvoju postsovjetske Rusije. Pokrenute su opsežne unutrašnje političke, ekonomske i socijalne reforme, kao i promene u spoljnoj i bezbednosnoj politici, što je rezultiralo postepenim oporavkom i konsolidacijom ruske države i društva. Jedna od suštinskih odlika političkog života Rusije jeste personalizacija vlasti, odnosno institucije Predsednika RF, koja u velikoj meri zavisi od ličnosti samog predsednika i njegovog najbližeg okruženja. Ova odlika ukorenjena je u političkoj tradiciji i kulturi, odnosno u imperijalnom nasleđu. Pojedini zapadni autori navode da je tradicija autokratskog vladanja u srži ruske političke kulture, dok ruski autori smatraju da snažna centralna vlast, oličena u instituciji predsednika države, u savremenoj Rusiji predstavlja nužnost u početnoj fazi demokratizacije i tranzicije društva. Putin je od početka nastojao da "ljude iz svog najbližeg okruženja "razlije" u sve nivoe vlasti i sfere koje generišu društvenu i političku moć". Time se profilisala struktura Putinovog režima u kojoj je veoma aktivan proces permanentne smene pozicija, uloga i značaja pojedinih ličnosti, kao i njihovo "seljenje" iz jedne sfere vlasti u drugu. U celokupnom tom procesu fluktacije visoko-pozicioniranih političara, svrstanih u uticajne grupe i klanove (tzv. siloviki, tehnokrate i liberali), Putin ima ulogu "stožera" celokupnog režima. Ocene o režimu ruskog predsednika V. Putina, njegovoj ličnosti, kao i tragu koji je ostavio u modernoj istoriji, polarizovanije su i kontroverznije nego ocene o mnogim drugim ličnostima ruske, pa i globalne politike. Međutim, značaj koji Putin ima za Rusiju i njenu poziciju i ulogu u XXI veku, nesporan je, kao što nisu sporni ni njegov planetarni autoritet, ni njegova globalna popularnost. Putin je jedan od najuticajnijih političara na svetu, ali su mišljenja autora u vezi sa njim toliko podeljena, oprečna, suprotstavljena i "ideološki obojena", da bi svaki pokušaj njihove generalizacije predstavljao poduhvat unapred osuđen na neuspeh. Amplitude reakcija kreću se od glorifikacije i divljenja, do osporavanja i nipodaštavanja. Nesporno je da je reč o harizmatičnom, pragmatičnom i sposobnom državniku, kao što je nesporna i činjenica da za sprovođenje svoje politike ima natpolovičnu podršku ruskog naroda. Kritičari Putinovog režima kao njegove osnovne odlike navode rigidnost vlasti, nefleksibilnost, netransparentnost, birokratizovanost, dominaciju političko- ekonomskih elita, nestabilnost u smislu zasnovanosti na ličnosti predsednika, a ne na balansu institucija.",
publisher = "Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd",
journal = "Review of International Affairs",
title = "Vladimir Putin and analysis of the role of leaders in the formation and implementation of state policy in contemporary Russia: Reviews and critics of Putin's regime, Vladimir Putin i analiza uloge ličnosti lidera u formiranju i sprovođenju državne politike u savremenoj Rusiji - ocene i kritike Putinovog režima",
number = "1165",
pages = "47-64"
}

Milosavljević, S., Jeftić, Z.,& Mladenović, M.. (2017). Vladimir Putin and analysis of the role of leaders in the formation and implementation of state policy in contemporary Russia: Reviews and critics of Putin's regime. in Review of International Affairs
Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd.(1165), 47-64.

Milosavljević S, Jeftić Z, Mladenović M. Vladimir Putin and analysis of the role of leaders in the formation and implementation of state policy in contemporary Russia: Reviews and critics of Putin's regime. in Review of International Affairs. 2017;(1165):47-64..

Milosavljević, Slađan, Jeftić, Zoran, Mladenović, Miroslav, "Vladimir Putin and analysis of the role of leaders in the formation and implementation of state policy in contemporary Russia: Reviews and critics of Putin's regime" in Review of International Affairs, no. 1165 (2017):47-64.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Milošević, Mladen
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/356
AB  - Management as an interdisciplinary field requires multidimensional approach and the engagement of different academic disciplines. The significance of Risk Management studies is rising since the end of the last century, along with technological development and corporate responsibility. However, the concept of risk has various definitions in the literature, international standards and business practice. One of the common concepts of risk determines it as relation between probability and the consequence, or level of possibility that an action or activity will lead to lead to a loss or to an undesired outcome (an action taken in spite of uncertainty with its consequence). The Legal Risk is a fresh concept that has not yet been unanimously determined and accepted in legal studies. Although legal science lacks relevant studies about Legal Risk, international associations and other entities are trying to define them and also to establish the principles of its management. The authors present and analyse theoretical approaches to this concept and also relevant international documents, such as Basel II and International Bar Association Discussion Paper. Also, legal risk are analysed by considering literature that covers different backgrounds – from legal risk in EU legal framework to standard corporate legal risk issues. The authors adopt two definitions of Legal Risk, based on its nature and the origin, and discuss that this definitions do not contradict each other and can well stand alongside, depending on the sort of Legal Risk as a complex phenomenon. The basic principles and rules of Legal Risk Management are recognised as a part of the Corporate Risk Management and Security Policy, where authors demonstrate the fact that reducing, transferring or otherwise controlling Legal Risk consequently result in the reducing of other corporate risks, especially in the security field. Corporate Security and Safety depend and administrative measures can be a powerful tool for improving the state of Corporate Security and Safety. The authors conclude the Legal Risk Management should be the focus of future empirical studies and state that its significance can be recognised in various fields.
T2  - Srpska politička misao
T1  - Upravljanje pravnim rizicima kao element korporativne bezbednosne politike
VL  - 24
IS  - 3
SP  - 289
EP  - 230
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Milošević, Mladen and Mladenović, Miroslav",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Management as an interdisciplinary field requires multidimensional approach and the engagement of different academic disciplines. The significance of Risk Management studies is rising since the end of the last century, along with technological development and corporate responsibility. However, the concept of risk has various definitions in the literature, international standards and business practice. One of the common concepts of risk determines it as relation between probability and the consequence, or level of possibility that an action or activity will lead to lead to a loss or to an undesired outcome (an action taken in spite of uncertainty with its consequence). The Legal Risk is a fresh concept that has not yet been unanimously determined and accepted in legal studies. Although legal science lacks relevant studies about Legal Risk, international associations and other entities are trying to define them and also to establish the principles of its management. The authors present and analyse theoretical approaches to this concept and also relevant international documents, such as Basel II and International Bar Association Discussion Paper. Also, legal risk are analysed by considering literature that covers different backgrounds – from legal risk in EU legal framework to standard corporate legal risk issues. The authors adopt two definitions of Legal Risk, based on its nature and the origin, and discuss that this definitions do not contradict each other and can well stand alongside, depending on the sort of Legal Risk as a complex phenomenon. The basic principles and rules of Legal Risk Management are recognised as a part of the Corporate Risk Management and Security Policy, where authors demonstrate the fact that reducing, transferring or otherwise controlling Legal Risk consequently result in the reducing of other corporate risks, especially in the security field. Corporate Security and Safety depend and administrative measures can be a powerful tool for improving the state of Corporate Security and Safety. The authors conclude the Legal Risk Management should be the focus of future empirical studies and state that its significance can be recognised in various fields.",
journal = "Srpska politička misao",
title = "Upravljanje pravnim rizicima kao element korporativne bezbednosne politike",
volume = "24",
number = "3",
pages = "289-230"
}

Milošević, M.,& Mladenović, M.. (2017). Upravljanje pravnim rizicima kao element korporativne bezbednosne politike. in Srpska politička misao, 24(3), 289-230.

Milošević M, Mladenović M. Upravljanje pravnim rizicima kao element korporativne bezbednosne politike. in Srpska politička misao. 2017;24(3):289-230..

Milošević, Mladen, Mladenović, Miroslav, "Upravljanje pravnim rizicima kao element korporativne bezbednosne politike" in Srpska politička misao, 24, no. 3 (2017):289-230.

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Ivaniš, Željko
AU  - Jeftić, Zoran
PY  - 2016
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/324
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet bezbednosti, Beograd
T1  - Politički sistemi u savremenoj međunarodnoj zajednici
SP  - 139
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Mladenović, Miroslav and Ivaniš, Željko and Jeftić, Zoran",
year = "2016",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet bezbednosti, Beograd",
booktitle = "Politički sistemi u savremenoj međunarodnoj zajednici",
pages = "139"
}

Mladenović, M., Ivaniš, Ž.,& Jeftić, Z.. (2016). Politički sistemi u savremenoj međunarodnoj zajednici. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet bezbednosti, Beograd., 139.

Mladenović M, Ivaniš Ž, Jeftić Z. Politički sistemi u savremenoj međunarodnoj zajednici. 2016;:139..

Mladenović, Miroslav, Ivaniš, Željko, Jeftić, Zoran, "Politički sistemi u savremenoj međunarodnoj zajednici" (2016):139.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Kačanov, Aleksejevič Sergej
AU  - Volkov, Sergejevič Oleg
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
PY  - 2016
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/305
AB  - The development of modern advanced technology has contributed to the significant increase in the quality of living, and yet it has brought a number of problems that are difficult to reliably predict and eliminate. Global technogenic danger, which knows for no borders, should be treated as a challenge and an alarm for all national and international institutions which calls for working together to improve the solutions that will ensure the safety of population, facilities, and the planet as a whole. Russiaʼs new solutions applied in automated monitoring, alerting and crisis management can contribute to the joint effort in responding to this challenge. The Russian model is based on the search of a plausible way how to replace the ongoing mostly administrative and regulatory system, primarily dependent on the quality of human resources, by reliable software and technical solutions that will operate independently of the human capabilities and will.
AB  - Razvoj savremene tehnologije, koji je doprineo značajnom porastu kvaliteta života, doneo je i brojne teškoće koje je teško pouzdano predviđati i eliminisati. Globalnu tehnogenu opasnost, koja ne poznaje državne granice, treba shvatiti kao izazov i poziv svim nacionalnim i međunarodnim institucijama da zajednički konsoliduju rešenja kojima će se obezbediti sigurnost stanovništva, objekata, pa i planete u celini. Nova ruska rešenja u primeni automatizovanog monitoringa, upozoravanja i upravljanja u kriznim situacijama, mogu biti jedan od doprinosa zajedničkim naporima na rešavanju ovih problema. Suština ruskog modela sastoji se u pronalaženju mogućnosti da se dosadašnji, uglavnom administrativno-normativni sistem koji je prevashodno zavisio od kvaliteta i volje 'ljudskog faktora'', zameni pouzdanim programsko-tehničkim rešenjima koja će funkcionisati nezavisno od raspoloženja pa i sposobnosti ljudi.
PB  - Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd
T2  - Međunarodni problemi
T1  - New Russian technologies for improving the safety of high-risk facilities
T1  - Nove ruske tehnologije za poboljšanje bezbednosti objekata povišenog rizika
VL  - 68
IS  - 2-3
SP  - 257
EP  - 264
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Kačanov, Aleksejevič Sergej and Volkov, Sergejevič Oleg and Mladenović, Miroslav",
year = "2016",
abstract = "The development of modern advanced technology has contributed to the significant increase in the quality of living, and yet it has brought a number of problems that are difficult to reliably predict and eliminate. Global technogenic danger, which knows for no borders, should be treated as a challenge and an alarm for all national and international institutions which calls for working together to improve the solutions that will ensure the safety of population, facilities, and the planet as a whole. Russiaʼs new solutions applied in automated monitoring, alerting and crisis management can contribute to the joint effort in responding to this challenge. The Russian model is based on the search of a plausible way how to replace the ongoing mostly administrative and regulatory system, primarily dependent on the quality of human resources, by reliable software and technical solutions that will operate independently of the human capabilities and will., Razvoj savremene tehnologije, koji je doprineo značajnom porastu kvaliteta života, doneo je i brojne teškoće koje je teško pouzdano predviđati i eliminisati. Globalnu tehnogenu opasnost, koja ne poznaje državne granice, treba shvatiti kao izazov i poziv svim nacionalnim i međunarodnim institucijama da zajednički konsoliduju rešenja kojima će se obezbediti sigurnost stanovništva, objekata, pa i planete u celini. Nova ruska rešenja u primeni automatizovanog monitoringa, upozoravanja i upravljanja u kriznim situacijama, mogu biti jedan od doprinosa zajedničkim naporima na rešavanju ovih problema. Suština ruskog modela sastoji se u pronalaženju mogućnosti da se dosadašnji, uglavnom administrativno-normativni sistem koji je prevashodno zavisio od kvaliteta i volje 'ljudskog faktora'', zameni pouzdanim programsko-tehničkim rešenjima koja će funkcionisati nezavisno od raspoloženja pa i sposobnosti ljudi.",
publisher = "Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd",
journal = "Međunarodni problemi",
title = "New Russian technologies for improving the safety of high-risk facilities, Nove ruske tehnologije za poboljšanje bezbednosti objekata povišenog rizika",
volume = "68",
number = "2-3",
pages = "257-264"
}

Kačanov, A. S., Volkov, S. O.,& Mladenović, M.. (2016). New Russian technologies for improving the safety of high-risk facilities. in Međunarodni problemi
Institut za međunarodnu politiku i privredu, Beograd., 68(2-3), 257-264.

Kačanov AS, Volkov SO, Mladenović M. New Russian technologies for improving the safety of high-risk facilities. in Međunarodni problemi. 2016;68(2-3):257-264..

Kačanov, Aleksejevič Sergej, Volkov, Sergejevič Oleg, Mladenović, Miroslav, "New Russian technologies for improving the safety of high-risk facilities" in Međunarodni problemi, 68, no. 2-3 (2016):257-264.

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/297
PB  - Global Scholarly Publications, New York
T2  - Belarus: Independence as National Idea
T1  - Belarus Today and Tomorrow: A Politico-Logical Serbian Perspective
SP  - 199
EP  - 219
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Mladenović, Miroslav",
year = "2015",
publisher = "Global Scholarly Publications, New York",
journal = "Belarus: Independence as National Idea",
booktitle = "Belarus Today and Tomorrow: A Politico-Logical Serbian Perspective",
pages = "199-219"
}

Mladenović, M.. (2015). Belarus Today and Tomorrow: A Politico-Logical Serbian Perspective. in Belarus: Independence as National Idea
Global Scholarly Publications, New York., 199-219.

Mladenović M. Belarus Today and Tomorrow: A Politico-Logical Serbian Perspective. in Belarus: Independence as National Idea. 2015;:199-219..

Mladenović, Miroslav, "Belarus Today and Tomorrow: A Politico-Logical Serbian Perspective" in Belarus: Independence as National Idea (2015):199-219.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Jeftić, Zoran
AU  - Mandić, Goran
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/274
AB  - The new security paradigm of the modern world, created in 1990s, led to a security organization of a number of countries of the former Soviet bloc. Also evolving, at varying pace, was the contractual relationship of collective security, which, due to the escalation of activities of extremist groups on the territory of Central Asia, the deterioration of Russia-NATO relations, as well as the emergence of the US military bases in the region, resulted in a decision to form the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in 2002. The basic declared purpose of the organization is a desire of the signatory countries to increase the effectiveness of their cooperation in the field of security. Established as a typical military alliance with characteristics of multifunctional organization for securing peace, CSTO aspires to the role of a regional leading organization in the field of security cooperation, with many open questions concerning its functioning and future development. Whether the new security organization raises the level of collective security of its associate member countries, and whether the said organization contributes to the security of the region and the world, only time ahead will tell.
AB  - Nova bezbednosna paradigma savremenog sveta, stvorena devedesetih godina prošloga veka, uslovila je i bezbednosno organizovanje jednog broja zemalja bivšeg sovjetskog bloka. Sa različitom dinamikom razvijao se i ugovorni odnos o kolektivnoj bezbednosti koji je eskalacijom delatnosti ekstremističkih grupa na teritoriji zemalja centralne Azije, pogoršanjem odnosa Rusije i NATO-a, ali i sa pojavom vojnih baza SAD na tom prostoru, 2002. godine rezultirao odlukom da se formira Organizacija ugovora o kolektivnoj bezbednosti (OUKB). Osnovna proklamovana namena organizacije jeste želja za povećanjem efikasnosti saradnje u oblasti bezbednosti, zemalja potpisnica. Ustrojena kao klasični vojni savez sa karakteristikama više- funkcionalne organizacije za obezbeđenje mira, OUKB pretenduje na ulogu regionalnog lidera u oblasti bezbednosne saradnje, sa mnogo otvorenih pitanja njenog funkcionisanja i budućeg razvoja. Da li se sa novim bezbednosnim organizovanjem podiže nivo kolektivne bezbednosti pridruženih joj članica i da li navedena organizacija doprinosi bezbednosti regiona i sveta, pokazaće vreme koje je pred nama.
PB  - Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd
T2  - Vojno delo
T1  - Collective security treaty organization between illusion and anti-NATO
T1  - Organizacija ugovora o kolektivnoj bezbednosti između iluzije i anti-NATO
VL  - 67
IS  - 1
SP  - 81
EP  - 91
DO  - 10.5937/vojdelo1501081m
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mladenović, Miroslav and Jeftić, Zoran and Mandić, Goran",
year = "2015",
abstract = "The new security paradigm of the modern world, created in 1990s, led to a security organization of a number of countries of the former Soviet bloc. Also evolving, at varying pace, was the contractual relationship of collective security, which, due to the escalation of activities of extremist groups on the territory of Central Asia, the deterioration of Russia-NATO relations, as well as the emergence of the US military bases in the region, resulted in a decision to form the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in 2002. The basic declared purpose of the organization is a desire of the signatory countries to increase the effectiveness of their cooperation in the field of security. Established as a typical military alliance with characteristics of multifunctional organization for securing peace, CSTO aspires to the role of a regional leading organization in the field of security cooperation, with many open questions concerning its functioning and future development. Whether the new security organization raises the level of collective security of its associate member countries, and whether the said organization contributes to the security of the region and the world, only time ahead will tell., Nova bezbednosna paradigma savremenog sveta, stvorena devedesetih godina prošloga veka, uslovila je i bezbednosno organizovanje jednog broja zemalja bivšeg sovjetskog bloka. Sa različitom dinamikom razvijao se i ugovorni odnos o kolektivnoj bezbednosti koji je eskalacijom delatnosti ekstremističkih grupa na teritoriji zemalja centralne Azije, pogoršanjem odnosa Rusije i NATO-a, ali i sa pojavom vojnih baza SAD na tom prostoru, 2002. godine rezultirao odlukom da se formira Organizacija ugovora o kolektivnoj bezbednosti (OUKB). Osnovna proklamovana namena organizacije jeste želja za povećanjem efikasnosti saradnje u oblasti bezbednosti, zemalja potpisnica. Ustrojena kao klasični vojni savez sa karakteristikama više- funkcionalne organizacije za obezbeđenje mira, OUKB pretenduje na ulogu regionalnog lidera u oblasti bezbednosne saradnje, sa mnogo otvorenih pitanja njenog funkcionisanja i budućeg razvoja. Da li se sa novim bezbednosnim organizovanjem podiže nivo kolektivne bezbednosti pridruženih joj članica i da li navedena organizacija doprinosi bezbednosti regiona i sveta, pokazaće vreme koje je pred nama.",
publisher = "Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd",
journal = "Vojno delo",
title = "Collective security treaty organization between illusion and anti-NATO, Organizacija ugovora o kolektivnoj bezbednosti između iluzije i anti-NATO",
volume = "67",
number = "1",
pages = "81-91",
doi = "10.5937/vojdelo1501081m"
}

Mladenović, M., Jeftić, Z.,& Mandić, G.. (2015). Collective security treaty organization between illusion and anti-NATO. in Vojno delo
Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd., 67(1), 81-91.
https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1501081m

Mladenović M, Jeftić Z, Mandić G. Collective security treaty organization between illusion and anti-NATO. in Vojno delo. 2015;67(1):81-91.
doi:10.5937/vojdelo1501081m .

Mladenović, Miroslav, Jeftić, Zoran, Mandić, Goran, "Collective security treaty organization between illusion and anti-NATO" in Vojno delo, 67, no. 1 (2015):81-91,
https://doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo1501081m . .

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Jeftić, Zoran
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Rokvić, Vanja
PY  - 2014
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/263
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet bezbednosti, Beograd
T1  - Osnove civilno-vojnih odnosa
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Jeftić, Zoran and Mladenović, Miroslav and Rokvić, Vanja",
year = "2014",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet bezbednosti, Beograd",
title = "Osnove civilno-vojnih odnosa"
}

Jeftić, Z., Mladenović, M.,& Rokvić, V.. (2014). Osnove civilno-vojnih odnosa. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet bezbednosti, Beograd..

Jeftić Z, Mladenović M, Rokvić V. Osnove civilno-vojnih odnosa. 2014;..

Jeftić, Zoran, Mladenović, Miroslav, Rokvić, Vanja, "Osnove civilno-vojnih odnosa" (2014).

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Kilibarda, Zoran
AU  - Milosavljević, Slađan
PY  - 2013
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/198
AB  - In the last twenty years the world has undergone serious changes, unfortunately not in positive direction. The collapse of the bipolar system and the establishment of one bloc hegemony - NATO headed by the USA, has not only failed to establish more stable and secure international relations, but, on the contrary, it has corresponded with the greatest insecurity and uncertainty of the mankind ever since World War II till the present day. After the 'counter-balance' disappeared, there has been open political, economic, even direct military, interference by the Alliance states in the sovereignty of many countries. Consequently, the world's conflicting potential has largely increased. Apart from the threats present from earlier, the contemporary world is faced with a series of new, formerly unknown or marginal, ones. The most notable among them are: uncontrolled escalation of armed conflicts; international terrorism; proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction; expansion of drugs trafficking; illegal cross-border migrations; human trafficking and trafficking in human organs; piracy; criminalization of different areas of living; etc. The economic and financial crises have additionally warned the world of the limitedness of natural resources and, in the most serious form, posed the issue of the fight for preservation, or conquest of areas rich in raw minerals. Apart from the current courses of action in the fight for control over the natural resources, both new methods of action and new areas of contest are emerging (Arctic, Antarctic ...; above and under the Earth's surface; on the sea, and under the sea bottom), over which the interests of great powers will be increasingly conflicting. Michael Klare, the author of well-known books 'Blood and Oil' and 'Resource Wars', convincingly evokes a growing hunger for resources by the picturesque title of his latest book 'Race for What's Left: Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources'. For success in this new competition in strength and skills, new strategic concepts are required. Some have already been created and preliminarily tested; others are being prepared for implementation and corrected 'on the go' based on the performance of already proved solutions; still others are being hurriedly shaped. Understandably, along with this, what actual and potential rivals do related to this, or what their activities suggest, is watched closely.
AB  - Za poslednjih 20 godina svet se ozbiljno promenio i to, nažalost, ne u pozitivnom smeru. Rušenje bipolarnog sistema i uspostavljanje hegemonije jednog bloka - NATO na čelu sa SAD, ne samo da nije dovelo do uspostavljanja stabilnijih i bezbednijih međunarodnih odnosa, već je naprotiv, korespondiralo sa najvećom nesigurnošću i neizvesnošću ljudskog roda od vremena Drugog svetskog rata do danas. Posle nestanka 'kontrabalansa', došlo je do otvorenog političkog, ekonomskog, pa i direktnog vojnog mešanja zemalja Alijanse u suverenitet mnogih zemalja. Kao rezultat ovakvog stanja, konfliktni potencijal u svetu znatno se povećao. Pored od ranije prisutnih pretnji, savremeni svet suočava se sa nizom novih, nekada nepoznatim ili marginalnim. Među njima su najznačajnije: nekontrolisana eskalacija oružanih konflikata; međunarodni terorizam; rasprostiranje atomskog i drugog naoružanja za masovno uništavanje; bujanje trgovine narkoticima; nelegalne preko-granične migracije; trgovina ljudima i ljudskim organima; piratstvo; kriminalizacija različitih sfera života itd. Ekonomska i finansijska kriza dodatno su opomenule svet na limitiranost prirodnih resursa i, u najozbiljnijoj formi, postavile problem borbe za očuvanje, odnosno osvajanje prostora bogatih sirovinama. U borbi za kontrolu nad prirodnim resursima, pored dosadašnjih, pojavljuju se, kako nove metode delovanja, tako i nova područja nadmetanja (Arktik, Antarktik, ...; na zemlji i ispod zemljine površine; na moru i ispod morskog dna), oko kojih će se u narednom periodu sve otvorenije sukobljavati interesi vodećih svetskih sila. Narastajuću glad za resursima, Majk Kler (Michael Klare), autor dobro poznatih dela 'Krv i nafta' (Blood and Oil) i 'Ratovi zbor resursa' (Resource Wars), uverljivo dočarava slikovitim nazivom svoje najnovije knjige 'Trka za onim što je preostalo' (Race for what's Left: Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources). Za uspešnost u tom novom odmeravanju snaga i umešnosti neophodni su novi strategijski koncepti. Neki su već kreirani i preliminarno testirani; drugi se pripremaju za implementaciju i u 'hodu' koriguju na osnovu učinka već oprobanih rešenja; treći se ubrzano formiraju. Pri tome se, razumljivo, pomno prati ono što u vezi s tim čine, odnosno što svojim delovanjem nagoveštavaju aktuelni i potencijalni rivali.
PB  - Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd
T2  - Vojno delo
T1  - 'Post-cold war' changes in security and strategic concepts of the Russian Federation
T1  - 'Posthladnoratovske' promene bezbednosnih i strateških koncepcija Ruske Federacije
VL  - 65
IS  - 3
SP  - 40
EP  - 58
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mladenović, Miroslav and Kilibarda, Zoran and Milosavljević, Slađan",
year = "2013",
abstract = "In the last twenty years the world has undergone serious changes, unfortunately not in positive direction. The collapse of the bipolar system and the establishment of one bloc hegemony - NATO headed by the USA, has not only failed to establish more stable and secure international relations, but, on the contrary, it has corresponded with the greatest insecurity and uncertainty of the mankind ever since World War II till the present day. After the 'counter-balance' disappeared, there has been open political, economic, even direct military, interference by the Alliance states in the sovereignty of many countries. Consequently, the world's conflicting potential has largely increased. Apart from the threats present from earlier, the contemporary world is faced with a series of new, formerly unknown or marginal, ones. The most notable among them are: uncontrolled escalation of armed conflicts; international terrorism; proliferation of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction; expansion of drugs trafficking; illegal cross-border migrations; human trafficking and trafficking in human organs; piracy; criminalization of different areas of living; etc. The economic and financial crises have additionally warned the world of the limitedness of natural resources and, in the most serious form, posed the issue of the fight for preservation, or conquest of areas rich in raw minerals. Apart from the current courses of action in the fight for control over the natural resources, both new methods of action and new areas of contest are emerging (Arctic, Antarctic ...; above and under the Earth's surface; on the sea, and under the sea bottom), over which the interests of great powers will be increasingly conflicting. Michael Klare, the author of well-known books 'Blood and Oil' and 'Resource Wars', convincingly evokes a growing hunger for resources by the picturesque title of his latest book 'Race for What's Left: Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources'. For success in this new competition in strength and skills, new strategic concepts are required. Some have already been created and preliminarily tested; others are being prepared for implementation and corrected 'on the go' based on the performance of already proved solutions; still others are being hurriedly shaped. Understandably, along with this, what actual and potential rivals do related to this, or what their activities suggest, is watched closely., Za poslednjih 20 godina svet se ozbiljno promenio i to, nažalost, ne u pozitivnom smeru. Rušenje bipolarnog sistema i uspostavljanje hegemonije jednog bloka - NATO na čelu sa SAD, ne samo da nije dovelo do uspostavljanja stabilnijih i bezbednijih međunarodnih odnosa, već je naprotiv, korespondiralo sa najvećom nesigurnošću i neizvesnošću ljudskog roda od vremena Drugog svetskog rata do danas. Posle nestanka 'kontrabalansa', došlo je do otvorenog političkog, ekonomskog, pa i direktnog vojnog mešanja zemalja Alijanse u suverenitet mnogih zemalja. Kao rezultat ovakvog stanja, konfliktni potencijal u svetu znatno se povećao. Pored od ranije prisutnih pretnji, savremeni svet suočava se sa nizom novih, nekada nepoznatim ili marginalnim. Među njima su najznačajnije: nekontrolisana eskalacija oružanih konflikata; međunarodni terorizam; rasprostiranje atomskog i drugog naoružanja za masovno uništavanje; bujanje trgovine narkoticima; nelegalne preko-granične migracije; trgovina ljudima i ljudskim organima; piratstvo; kriminalizacija različitih sfera života itd. Ekonomska i finansijska kriza dodatno su opomenule svet na limitiranost prirodnih resursa i, u najozbiljnijoj formi, postavile problem borbe za očuvanje, odnosno osvajanje prostora bogatih sirovinama. U borbi za kontrolu nad prirodnim resursima, pored dosadašnjih, pojavljuju se, kako nove metode delovanja, tako i nova područja nadmetanja (Arktik, Antarktik, ...; na zemlji i ispod zemljine površine; na moru i ispod morskog dna), oko kojih će se u narednom periodu sve otvorenije sukobljavati interesi vodećih svetskih sila. Narastajuću glad za resursima, Majk Kler (Michael Klare), autor dobro poznatih dela 'Krv i nafta' (Blood and Oil) i 'Ratovi zbor resursa' (Resource Wars), uverljivo dočarava slikovitim nazivom svoje najnovije knjige 'Trka za onim što je preostalo' (Race for what's Left: Global Scramble for the World's Last Resources). Za uspešnost u tom novom odmeravanju snaga i umešnosti neophodni su novi strategijski koncepti. Neki su već kreirani i preliminarno testirani; drugi se pripremaju za implementaciju i u 'hodu' koriguju na osnovu učinka već oprobanih rešenja; treći se ubrzano formiraju. Pri tome se, razumljivo, pomno prati ono što u vezi s tim čine, odnosno što svojim delovanjem nagoveštavaju aktuelni i potencijalni rivali.",
publisher = "Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd",
journal = "Vojno delo",
title = "'Post-cold war' changes in security and strategic concepts of the Russian Federation, 'Posthladnoratovske' promene bezbednosnih i strateških koncepcija Ruske Federacije",
volume = "65",
number = "3",
pages = "40-58"
}

Mladenović, M., Kilibarda, Z.,& Milosavljević, S.. (2013). 'Post-cold war' changes in security and strategic concepts of the Russian Federation. in Vojno delo
Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd., 65(3), 40-58.

Mladenović M, Kilibarda Z, Milosavljević S. 'Post-cold war' changes in security and strategic concepts of the Russian Federation. in Vojno delo. 2013;65(3):40-58..

Mladenović, Miroslav, Kilibarda, Zoran, Milosavljević, Slađan, "'Post-cold war' changes in security and strategic concepts of the Russian Federation" in Vojno delo, 65, no. 3 (2013):40-58.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Jeftić, Zoran
PY  - 2012
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/182
AB  - The term politics, from its origin until nowadays, has been closely related to coercion and effects of coercion. The first rulers were finding support in a belief in the divine nature of power, but since, in time, this belief faded, the solution was found in physical superiority of rulers. The development of politics as an activity by which a community can be governed instrumentally, conditioned its closer linkage to force. Politics was sometimes identified with force, and sometimes politics was using force as an instrument for taming the bullying by others. Undoubtedly, the man is a rational and instinctive being. Monopolization of bullying within political activity made it possible to place the force, depending on the circumstances, into the service of one or the other attribute of human nature. Integration processes in political, economic, military and other areas, significantly contributed to changing the role of a national state in its formerly inviolable spheres, even in those elements that are considered classic attributes of the state as an institution (sovereignty, independence, monetary policy, defense, state power legitimacy, etc). Does this power, which is 'taken away' from the national state, go away, through integrative processes with other international subjects, to some distant power and alienated centers, or does it, on the contrary, enter the corpus of political activity that strengthens its overall position? Without immersing into more profound analysis about what is closer to the truth, it is a fact that through integrative processes a number of 'state' activities is transferred to joint institutions. In the spirit of this paper, the most important institutions are those which decide about organization, preparing, functioning, and using of the state (interstate) power. Strategic solutions concerning these matters, are a part of domestic and intergovernmental policy. They are products of a great number of internal and external factors, starting from economic and institutional, to social and cultural-traditional, and to international.
AB  - Pojam politika, od nastanka do današnjih dana, bio je na različite načine vezan sa prinudom i njenim efektima. Prvi vladari nalazili su oslonac u verovanju u božanski karakter vlasti, ali, kako se on vremenom sve više gubio, rešenje je nalaženo u fizičkoj nadmoći vlastodržaca. Razvoj politike kao delatnosti kojom se može instrumentalno vladati zajednicom, uslovio je njeno bliže vezivanje za silu. Ponekad se politika poistovećivala sa njom, a nekada ju je koristila kao faktor za kroćenje nasilništva drugih. Čovek je, bez sumnje, i racionalno i nagonsko biće. Monopolizacija nasilja u okviru političke delatnosti omogućila je da se, u zavisnosti od uslova, sila stavi u službu jednog ili drugog njegovog obeležja. Integrativni procesi u političkoj, ekonomskoj, vojnoj i drugim oblastima značajno su doprineli promeni uloge nacionalne države u nekada njenim neprikosnovenim sferama, pa čak i u onim elementima koji se smatraju klasičnim obeležjima države kao institucije (suverenost, nezavisnost, monetarna politika, odbrana, legitimnost državne vlasti, itd.). Da li ta snaga koja se 'oduzima' od nacionalne države, putem integracije sa drugim međunarodnim subjektima, odlazi u neke građanima daleke i otuđene centre moći ili, naprotiv, ona ulazi u onaj korpus političkog organizovanja kojim se jača njihova ukupna pozicija? Bez ulaženja u dublju analizu o tome šta je bliže istini, činjenica je da se kroz proces integracije, deo 'državnih' poslova prenosi na zajedničke institucije. U duhu ovog rada, najznačajnije su one koje odlučuju o načinima organizovanja, pripreme, funkcionisanja i upotrebe državne (međudržavne) sile. Strategijska rešenja vezana za ta pitanja deo su aktivnosti i državne i međudržavne politike. Ona su rezultanta delatnosti brojnih unutrašnjih i spoljašnjih faktora, počev od ekonomskog i institucionalnog, preko socijalnog i kulturno-tradicionalnog, do međunarodnog.
PB  - Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd
T2  - Vojno delo
T1  - Political changes and their impact on security and strategic concepts of defense
T1  - Političke promene i njihov uticaj na bezbednosne i strateške koncepcije odbrane
VL  - 64
IS  - 3
SP  - 130
EP  - 147
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mladenović, Miroslav and Jeftić, Zoran",
year = "2012",
abstract = "The term politics, from its origin until nowadays, has been closely related to coercion and effects of coercion. The first rulers were finding support in a belief in the divine nature of power, but since, in time, this belief faded, the solution was found in physical superiority of rulers. The development of politics as an activity by which a community can be governed instrumentally, conditioned its closer linkage to force. Politics was sometimes identified with force, and sometimes politics was using force as an instrument for taming the bullying by others. Undoubtedly, the man is a rational and instinctive being. Monopolization of bullying within political activity made it possible to place the force, depending on the circumstances, into the service of one or the other attribute of human nature. Integration processes in political, economic, military and other areas, significantly contributed to changing the role of a national state in its formerly inviolable spheres, even in those elements that are considered classic attributes of the state as an institution (sovereignty, independence, monetary policy, defense, state power legitimacy, etc). Does this power, which is 'taken away' from the national state, go away, through integrative processes with other international subjects, to some distant power and alienated centers, or does it, on the contrary, enter the corpus of political activity that strengthens its overall position? Without immersing into more profound analysis about what is closer to the truth, it is a fact that through integrative processes a number of 'state' activities is transferred to joint institutions. In the spirit of this paper, the most important institutions are those which decide about organization, preparing, functioning, and using of the state (interstate) power. Strategic solutions concerning these matters, are a part of domestic and intergovernmental policy. They are products of a great number of internal and external factors, starting from economic and institutional, to social and cultural-traditional, and to international., Pojam politika, od nastanka do današnjih dana, bio je na različite načine vezan sa prinudom i njenim efektima. Prvi vladari nalazili su oslonac u verovanju u božanski karakter vlasti, ali, kako se on vremenom sve više gubio, rešenje je nalaženo u fizičkoj nadmoći vlastodržaca. Razvoj politike kao delatnosti kojom se može instrumentalno vladati zajednicom, uslovio je njeno bliže vezivanje za silu. Ponekad se politika poistovećivala sa njom, a nekada ju je koristila kao faktor za kroćenje nasilništva drugih. Čovek je, bez sumnje, i racionalno i nagonsko biće. Monopolizacija nasilja u okviru političke delatnosti omogućila je da se, u zavisnosti od uslova, sila stavi u službu jednog ili drugog njegovog obeležja. Integrativni procesi u političkoj, ekonomskoj, vojnoj i drugim oblastima značajno su doprineli promeni uloge nacionalne države u nekada njenim neprikosnovenim sferama, pa čak i u onim elementima koji se smatraju klasičnim obeležjima države kao institucije (suverenost, nezavisnost, monetarna politika, odbrana, legitimnost državne vlasti, itd.). Da li ta snaga koja se 'oduzima' od nacionalne države, putem integracije sa drugim međunarodnim subjektima, odlazi u neke građanima daleke i otuđene centre moći ili, naprotiv, ona ulazi u onaj korpus političkog organizovanja kojim se jača njihova ukupna pozicija? Bez ulaženja u dublju analizu o tome šta je bliže istini, činjenica je da se kroz proces integracije, deo 'državnih' poslova prenosi na zajedničke institucije. U duhu ovog rada, najznačajnije su one koje odlučuju o načinima organizovanja, pripreme, funkcionisanja i upotrebe državne (međudržavne) sile. Strategijska rešenja vezana za ta pitanja deo su aktivnosti i državne i međudržavne politike. Ona su rezultanta delatnosti brojnih unutrašnjih i spoljašnjih faktora, počev od ekonomskog i institucionalnog, preko socijalnog i kulturno-tradicionalnog, do međunarodnog.",
publisher = "Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd",
journal = "Vojno delo",
title = "Political changes and their impact on security and strategic concepts of defense, Političke promene i njihov uticaj na bezbednosne i strateške koncepcije odbrane",
volume = "64",
number = "3",
pages = "130-147"
}

Mladenović, M.,& Jeftić, Z.. (2012). Political changes and their impact on security and strategic concepts of defense. in Vojno delo
Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd., 64(3), 130-147.

Mladenović M, Jeftić Z. Political changes and their impact on security and strategic concepts of defense. in Vojno delo. 2012;64(3):130-147..

Mladenović, Miroslav, Jeftić, Zoran, "Political changes and their impact on security and strategic concepts of defense" in Vojno delo, 64, no. 3 (2012):130-147.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Ponomareva, Jelena
AU  - Kilibarda, Zoran
PY  - 2012
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/168
AB  - The world, in terms of globalization did not become more stable and predictable. Its main characteristics today are: turbulence, insecurity, and growth potential for conflicts. The most important expression of compression of clamps of turbulence becomes events from 2011. Years, in many countries of North Africa and the Middle East, called the ''Arab revolutions''. For some, these events are coincidental and spontaneous protest ''dreamers of democracy'', while for others it is a result of the planned implementation of projects for a global reorganization of the world. Besides the difference in the value perception of ''colored revolutions'', among theorists there is no agreement even on issues of their target orientation and of their relationship to democracy, social reasonableness, and especially of compatibility of goals and the methods for their realizations.
AB  - Svet, u uslovima globalizacije nije postao stabilniji i predvidiviji. Njegove glavne karakteristike danas su: turbulentnost, nesigurnost i porast konfliktnog potencijala. Najvažniji izraz sažimanja stega turbulentnosti postali su događaji iz 2011. godine, koji su se dešavali u nizu zemalja Severne Afrike i Bliskog istoka, nazvani ''arapske revolucije''. Za neke, ti događaji su slučajnost i stihijni protest ''sanjara o demokratiji'', dok su za druge - posledica planske realizacije konkretnih projekata za globalno preuređenje sveta. Pored razlika u vrednosnom poimanju ''šarenih revolucija'', među teoretičarima ne postoji saglasnost ni po pitanjima njihove ciljne usmerenosti, odnosa prema demokratiji, socijalne opravdanosti i, naročito - saglasnosti postavljenih ciljeva i sredstava kojima se oni dostižu.
PB  - Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Sociološki pregled
T1  - Theory and practice of 'colorful' revolutions
T1  - Teorija i praksa ''šarenih revolucija''
VL  - 46
IS  - 4
SP  - 513
EP  - 533
DO  - 10.5937/socpreg1204513M
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mladenović, Miroslav and Ponomareva, Jelena and Kilibarda, Zoran",
year = "2012",
abstract = "The world, in terms of globalization did not become more stable and predictable. Its main characteristics today are: turbulence, insecurity, and growth potential for conflicts. The most important expression of compression of clamps of turbulence becomes events from 2011. Years, in many countries of North Africa and the Middle East, called the ''Arab revolutions''. For some, these events are coincidental and spontaneous protest ''dreamers of democracy'', while for others it is a result of the planned implementation of projects for a global reorganization of the world. Besides the difference in the value perception of ''colored revolutions'', among theorists there is no agreement even on issues of their target orientation and of their relationship to democracy, social reasonableness, and especially of compatibility of goals and the methods for their realizations., Svet, u uslovima globalizacije nije postao stabilniji i predvidiviji. Njegove glavne karakteristike danas su: turbulentnost, nesigurnost i porast konfliktnog potencijala. Najvažniji izraz sažimanja stega turbulentnosti postali su događaji iz 2011. godine, koji su se dešavali u nizu zemalja Severne Afrike i Bliskog istoka, nazvani ''arapske revolucije''. Za neke, ti događaji su slučajnost i stihijni protest ''sanjara o demokratiji'', dok su za druge - posledica planske realizacije konkretnih projekata za globalno preuređenje sveta. Pored razlika u vrednosnom poimanju ''šarenih revolucija'', među teoretičarima ne postoji saglasnost ni po pitanjima njihove ciljne usmerenosti, odnosa prema demokratiji, socijalne opravdanosti i, naročito - saglasnosti postavljenih ciljeva i sredstava kojima se oni dostižu.",
publisher = "Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Sociološki pregled",
title = "Theory and practice of 'colorful' revolutions, Teorija i praksa ''šarenih revolucija''",
volume = "46",
number = "4",
pages = "513-533",
doi = "10.5937/socpreg1204513M"
}

Mladenović, M., Ponomareva, J.,& Kilibarda, Z.. (2012). Theory and practice of 'colorful' revolutions. in Sociološki pregled
Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd., 46(4), 513-533.
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1204513M

Mladenović M, Ponomareva J, Kilibarda Z. Theory and practice of 'colorful' revolutions. in Sociološki pregled. 2012;46(4):513-533.
doi:10.5937/socpreg1204513M .

Mladenović, Miroslav, Ponomareva, Jelena, Kilibarda, Zoran, "Theory and practice of 'colorful' revolutions" in Sociološki pregled, 46, no. 4 (2012):513-533,
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1204513M . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Jeftić, Zoran
AU  - Vučkovič, M.
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
PY  - 2011
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/145
T2  - Информационный гуманитарный портал Знание. Понимание. Умениe, Moskva
T1  - Интеграционные тенденции и проблема европейской идентичности
IS  - 2
SP  - 1
EP  - 11
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Jeftić, Zoran and Vučkovič, M. and Mladenović, Miroslav",
year = "2011",
journal = "Информационный гуманитарный портал Знание. Понимание. Умениe, Moskva",
title = "Интеграционные тенденции и проблема европейской идентичности",
number = "2",
pages = "1-11"
}

Jeftić, Z., Vučkovič, M.,& Mladenović, M.. (2011). Интеграционные тенденции и проблема европейской идентичности. in Информационный гуманитарный портал Знание. Понимание. Умениe, Moskva(2), 1-11.

Jeftić Z, Vučkovič M, Mladenović M. Интеграционные тенденции и проблема европейской идентичности. in Информационный гуманитарный портал Знание. Понимание. Умениe, Moskva. 2011;(2):1-11..

Jeftić, Zoran, Vučkovič, M., Mladenović, Miroslav, "Интеграционные тенденции и проблема европейской идентичности" in Информационный гуманитарный портал Знание. Понимание. Умениe, Moskva, no. 2 (2011):1-11.

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Ivaniš, Željko
AU  - Rokvić, Vanja
PY  - 2011
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/132
PB  - Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet bezbednosti, Beograd
T1  - Razvoj institucija i izgradnja političkog sistema Srbije
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Mladenović, Miroslav and Ivaniš, Željko and Rokvić, Vanja",
year = "2011",
publisher = "Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet bezbednosti, Beograd",
title = "Razvoj institucija i izgradnja političkog sistema Srbije"
}

Mladenović, M., Ivaniš, Ž.,& Rokvić, V.. (2011). Razvoj institucija i izgradnja političkog sistema Srbije. 
Univerzitet u Beogradu, Fakultet bezbednosti, Beograd..

Mladenović M, Ivaniš Ž, Rokvić V. Razvoj institucija i izgradnja političkog sistema Srbije. 2011;..

Mladenović, Miroslav, Ivaniš, Željko, Rokvić, Vanja, "Razvoj institucija i izgradnja političkog sistema Srbije" (2011).

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Ponomareva, Jelena
PY  - 2011
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/118
AB  - After the cold war, when the Eastern block collapsed, considerable changes were made in the world security architecture. Althought it seemed like a beginning of more certain and secure era, cold war ending didn't fulfill expectations neither the main actors in the cold war conflict, nor the expectations of the rest of the world. Besides, collapse of one block, didn't stop growth dynamic of new power centers. Tendencies for power are not new and unfamiliar to human. When bypolar system collapsed, other subjects started fighting for the positions. PRC role with her enormous people potential, growing economy and strengthened military is evident. Soviet Union, accordingly Russian Federation, believed that there was no more need for strenghtening the other block, especially when the opposite doesn't exist. But, former partners included the opposite side, and that made more tensions between Russia and United States. Rest of the world didn't get better chance to create own future. On the contrary, especially for the peripheral and semiperipheral countries, new threats appeared that destabilized individual and collective security. Efforts to make human community rational, were always idealism and those efforts were considered utopian, but under the given circumstances, for the international stability, the most accseptable model is model of global triangle - China, Russia, USA. Reason why this three countries is ther specific potention: USA is powerful technological, military and political center, RF is worlds warehouse' and China is the worlds manufacture. In the globalism domination over nationalism era that model could be the optimal 'braking and balance' system in the international relations- political ideal that all liberal schools wanted to acchievestarting Lock, Montesquieu, Rousseau till today.
AB  - Raspad Istočnog bloka nije zaustavio dinamiku razvoja novih centara moći. Krah bipolarizma samo je razotkrio pozornicu na kojoj se odigrava bespoštedna borba različitih subjekata za jačanje sopstvenog uticaja u međunarodnim odnosima. U kontekstu regionalnih sila, u tom smislu je posebno izražen primer NR Kine koja ima ogroman potencijal u ljudstvu, industrija je u ekspanziji i ima vidno ojačanu vojnu efektivu. Nakon brzog pridruživanja bivših članica Varšavskog ugovora nekadašnjem protivničkom taboru, nastupile su nove tenzije na relaciji Rusija i SAD. Prestanak Hladnog rata doneo je i prestanak konfrontacija, ali se međunarodna zajednica suočila sa neophodnošću da preuredi odnose između subjekata i da stvori nove, univerzalnije i trajnije bezbednosne mehanizme. Čini se da je u realnim okolnostima, za stabilnost međunarodne zajednice, najprihvatljiviji model globalnog trougla čija bi temena predstavljali: SAD, RF i NR Kina. Razlozi njegovog postojanja proističu iz specifičnih potencijala koje poseduju ove države: SAD kao moćan tehnološki, vojni i politički centar; RF, kao svetsko skladište i NR Kina, kao svetska manufaktura. Uprkos činjenici da sve tri strane trougla imaju svoje specifične i, u mnogim elementima, suprotstavljene interese, to bi mogao da bude najoptimalniji sistem kočnica i ravnoteže u međunarodnim odnosima.
PB  - Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd
T2  - Sociološki pregled
T1  - China-United States-Russia: The global triangle of the 21st century
T1  - Kina-Amerika-Rusija - globalni trougao 21. veka
VL  - 45
IS  - 4
SP  - 459
EP  - 476
DO  - 10.5937/socpreg1104459M
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mladenović, Miroslav and Ponomareva, Jelena",
year = "2011",
abstract = "After the cold war, when the Eastern block collapsed, considerable changes were made in the world security architecture. Althought it seemed like a beginning of more certain and secure era, cold war ending didn't fulfill expectations neither the main actors in the cold war conflict, nor the expectations of the rest of the world. Besides, collapse of one block, didn't stop growth dynamic of new power centers. Tendencies for power are not new and unfamiliar to human. When bypolar system collapsed, other subjects started fighting for the positions. PRC role with her enormous people potential, growing economy and strengthened military is evident. Soviet Union, accordingly Russian Federation, believed that there was no more need for strenghtening the other block, especially when the opposite doesn't exist. But, former partners included the opposite side, and that made more tensions between Russia and United States. Rest of the world didn't get better chance to create own future. On the contrary, especially for the peripheral and semiperipheral countries, new threats appeared that destabilized individual and collective security. Efforts to make human community rational, were always idealism and those efforts were considered utopian, but under the given circumstances, for the international stability, the most accseptable model is model of global triangle - China, Russia, USA. Reason why this three countries is ther specific potention: USA is powerful technological, military and political center, RF is worlds warehouse' and China is the worlds manufacture. In the globalism domination over nationalism era that model could be the optimal 'braking and balance' system in the international relations- political ideal that all liberal schools wanted to acchievestarting Lock, Montesquieu, Rousseau till today., Raspad Istočnog bloka nije zaustavio dinamiku razvoja novih centara moći. Krah bipolarizma samo je razotkrio pozornicu na kojoj se odigrava bespoštedna borba različitih subjekata za jačanje sopstvenog uticaja u međunarodnim odnosima. U kontekstu regionalnih sila, u tom smislu je posebno izražen primer NR Kine koja ima ogroman potencijal u ljudstvu, industrija je u ekspanziji i ima vidno ojačanu vojnu efektivu. Nakon brzog pridruživanja bivših članica Varšavskog ugovora nekadašnjem protivničkom taboru, nastupile su nove tenzije na relaciji Rusija i SAD. Prestanak Hladnog rata doneo je i prestanak konfrontacija, ali se međunarodna zajednica suočila sa neophodnošću da preuredi odnose između subjekata i da stvori nove, univerzalnije i trajnije bezbednosne mehanizme. Čini se da je u realnim okolnostima, za stabilnost međunarodne zajednice, najprihvatljiviji model globalnog trougla čija bi temena predstavljali: SAD, RF i NR Kina. Razlozi njegovog postojanja proističu iz specifičnih potencijala koje poseduju ove države: SAD kao moćan tehnološki, vojni i politički centar; RF, kao svetsko skladište i NR Kina, kao svetska manufaktura. Uprkos činjenici da sve tri strane trougla imaju svoje specifične i, u mnogim elementima, suprotstavljene interese, to bi mogao da bude najoptimalniji sistem kočnica i ravnoteže u međunarodnim odnosima.",
publisher = "Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd",
journal = "Sociološki pregled",
title = "China-United States-Russia: The global triangle of the 21st century, Kina-Amerika-Rusija - globalni trougao 21. veka",
volume = "45",
number = "4",
pages = "459-476",
doi = "10.5937/socpreg1104459M"
}

Mladenović, M.,& Ponomareva, J.. (2011). China-United States-Russia: The global triangle of the 21st century. in Sociološki pregled
Sociološko društvo Srbije, Beograd., 45(4), 459-476.
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1104459M

Mladenović M, Ponomareva J. China-United States-Russia: The global triangle of the 21st century. in Sociološki pregled. 2011;45(4):459-476.
doi:10.5937/socpreg1104459M .

Mladenović, Miroslav, Ponomareva, Jelena, "China-United States-Russia: The global triangle of the 21st century" in Sociološki pregled, 45, no. 4 (2011):459-476,
https://doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1104459M . .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Kilibarda, Zoran
PY  - 2011
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/105
AB  - Shanghai Cooperation Organization was founded in 2001 under a Declaration signed by the leaders of five independent states from the territory of former Soviet Union and the President of the People's Republic of China. The Charter, adopted by the organization's member states as their basic document, emphasizes their commitment to strengthen their mutual trust and good-neighborliness and friendly cooperation; to keep and maintain the peace, stability and security of the region; as well as to fight together against all forms of terrorism, separatism and extremism. Although there are significant differences between the member states in almost all matters of social and governmental organization, over its ten-year existence the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has proved its vitality and has become respectable entity not only of the regional but also of international cooperation on the whole. In recent years all main actors of contemporary international relations have tried to establish and develop the cooperation with this important intergovernmental association. What the further development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization will be like and where the organization will be positioned within the future world order is difficult to be definitely determined. Apart from the role of the two leading states of this organization - Russia and China, its eventual position will be greatly influenced by other major international factors as well, which, in the era of unstable energy and other forms of security, find the area of Central Asia ever more significant and attractive.
AB  - Šangajska organizacija za saradnju formirana je 2001. godine, Deklaracijom koju su potpisali predsednici pet samostalnih država sa prostora bivšeg sovjetskog saveza i predsednik Narodne Republike Kine. Prema Povelji, koju su članice ove organizacije usvojile kao svoj osnovni dokument, istaknuta je njihova opredeljenost da učvršćuju međusobno poverenje i dobrosusedsku saradnju, da održavaju i jačaju mir, stabilnost i bezbednost u regionu, kao i da se zajednički bore protiv terorizma, separatizma i ekstremizma svih oblika. Iako među državama članicama postoje značajne razlike po skoro svim pitanjima društvenog i državnog ustrojstva, Šangajska organizacija je za deset godina postojanja dokazala svoju vitalnost i postala respektivni subjekt, ne samo regionalne, već i međunarodne saradnje u celini. Poslednjih godina svi glavni faktori savremenih međunarodnih odnosa nastoje da uspostave i razvijaju saradnju sa ovom značajnom međudržavnom asocijacijom. Kakav će biti dalji razvoj Šangajske organizacije za saradnju i gde će se ona pozicionirati u okviru budućeg svetskog poretka, teško je jednoznačno odrediti. Pored uloge vodećih zemalja ove organizacije - Rusije i Kine, na krajnji ishod tog njenog položaja umnogome će uticati i drugi značajni međunarodni faktori kojima, u eri nestabilne energetske i drugih oblika bezbednosti, prostor Centralne Azije postaje sve značajniji i primamljiviji.
PB  - Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd
T2  - Vojno delo
T1  - Shanghai cooperation organization
T1  - Šangajska organizacija za saradnju
VL  - 63
IS  - 1
SP  - 24
EP  - 40
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Mladenović, Miroslav and Kilibarda, Zoran",
year = "2011",
abstract = "Shanghai Cooperation Organization was founded in 2001 under a Declaration signed by the leaders of five independent states from the territory of former Soviet Union and the President of the People's Republic of China. The Charter, adopted by the organization's member states as their basic document, emphasizes their commitment to strengthen their mutual trust and good-neighborliness and friendly cooperation; to keep and maintain the peace, stability and security of the region; as well as to fight together against all forms of terrorism, separatism and extremism. Although there are significant differences between the member states in almost all matters of social and governmental organization, over its ten-year existence the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has proved its vitality and has become respectable entity not only of the regional but also of international cooperation on the whole. In recent years all main actors of contemporary international relations have tried to establish and develop the cooperation with this important intergovernmental association. What the further development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization will be like and where the organization will be positioned within the future world order is difficult to be definitely determined. Apart from the role of the two leading states of this organization - Russia and China, its eventual position will be greatly influenced by other major international factors as well, which, in the era of unstable energy and other forms of security, find the area of Central Asia ever more significant and attractive., Šangajska organizacija za saradnju formirana je 2001. godine, Deklaracijom koju su potpisali predsednici pet samostalnih država sa prostora bivšeg sovjetskog saveza i predsednik Narodne Republike Kine. Prema Povelji, koju su članice ove organizacije usvojile kao svoj osnovni dokument, istaknuta je njihova opredeljenost da učvršćuju međusobno poverenje i dobrosusedsku saradnju, da održavaju i jačaju mir, stabilnost i bezbednost u regionu, kao i da se zajednički bore protiv terorizma, separatizma i ekstremizma svih oblika. Iako među državama članicama postoje značajne razlike po skoro svim pitanjima društvenog i državnog ustrojstva, Šangajska organizacija je za deset godina postojanja dokazala svoju vitalnost i postala respektivni subjekt, ne samo regionalne, već i međunarodne saradnje u celini. Poslednjih godina svi glavni faktori savremenih međunarodnih odnosa nastoje da uspostave i razvijaju saradnju sa ovom značajnom međudržavnom asocijacijom. Kakav će biti dalji razvoj Šangajske organizacije za saradnju i gde će se ona pozicionirati u okviru budućeg svetskog poretka, teško je jednoznačno odrediti. Pored uloge vodećih zemalja ove organizacije - Rusije i Kine, na krajnji ishod tog njenog položaja umnogome će uticati i drugi značajni međunarodni faktori kojima, u eri nestabilne energetske i drugih oblika bezbednosti, prostor Centralne Azije postaje sve značajniji i primamljiviji.",
publisher = "Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd",
journal = "Vojno delo",
title = "Shanghai cooperation organization, Šangajska organizacija za saradnju",
volume = "63",
number = "1",
pages = "24-40"
}

Mladenović, M.,& Kilibarda, Z.. (2011). Shanghai cooperation organization. in Vojno delo
Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd., 63(1), 24-40.

Mladenović M, Kilibarda Z. Shanghai cooperation organization. in Vojno delo. 2011;63(1):24-40..

Mladenović, Miroslav, Kilibarda, Zoran, "Shanghai cooperation organization" in Vojno delo, 63, no. 1 (2011):24-40.

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Jeftić, Zoran
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Mandić, Goran
PY  - 2010
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/77
AB  - New NATO strategic concept was adopted by the end of 2010. Before that, the Russian initiative for creating a new European security architecture was released. Whether the views of the East and the West in these activities concerning one of the most important issues of the present day - personal and collective security - are closer than before, and whether the world is more secure and regulated following these initiatives - time will tell. This paper does not aspire to provide final answers to these and other questions. This is only an attempt to perceive basic aspects of the existing differences between Russia and the West in comprehending the security issue, and to extend to the readers, against that background, a unique intellectual challenge and invitation to analyze on their own, through the prism of the metamorphosis of two traditionally confronted parties' relations, the contemporaneousness in the area of security. The main assumption of the problem analysis is based on the fact that the differences between NATO, USA and Europe, on one side, and Russia, on the other side, in their approaches to general problems, in particular in the area of security, are still substantial and represent a large, often unbridgeable obstacle for initiating a proper dialog. The more so because the latest initiatives, included in the new NATO strategic concept and in the Russian motion for redefining the European security architecture, unambiguously comprise an initiative and a wish for a dialog. Unfortunately, in the former practice, such efforts for the most part have not produced expected results! The Russian idea was initiated on the basis of the new Concept of the Russian Foreign Policy and coincides in time also with the process of redefining the new NATO concept, which even more points to the necessity of actual reconsideration of the existing solutions and introduction of essential novelties in this, very important area.
AB  - Novi strategijski koncept NATO-a usvojen je krajem 2010. godine. Pre toga objavljena je ruska inicijativa za stvaranje nove arhitekture evropske bezbednosti. Da li su ovim aktivnostima stavovi 'Istoka' i 'Zapada' o jednom od najvažnijih pitanja današnjice - ličnoj i kolektivnoj bezbednosti - bliži nego ranije i da li je svet posle tih inicijativa bezbedniji i uređeniji, pokazaće vreme. Ovaj rad nema ambiciju da daje konačne odgovore na ta i druga pitanja. To je samo pokušaj da se uoče osnovni aspekti postojećih razlika između Rusije i Zapada u poimanju problema bezbednosti i da se, na tom fonu, čitaocima uputi svojevrsni intelektualni izazov i poziv da kroz prizmu metamorfoze odnosa dve tradicionalno suprotstavljene strane sami analiziraju savremenost u sferi bezbednosti. Osnovna postavka analize problema zasnovana je na činjenici da su razlike između NATO, SAD i Evrope, s jedne strane i Rusije, sa druge, u pristupu opštim problemima, a u sferi bezbednosti posebno, i dalje veoma značajne i da predstavljaju veliku, često nepremostivu prepreku za pokretanje pravog dijaloga. Ovo tim više što poslednje inicijative, sadržane u novom strategijskom konceptu NATO-a i ruskom predlogu za redefinisanje evropske arhitekture bezbednosti, nedvosmisleno sadrže inicijativu i želju za dijalogom. Takva nastojanja, nažalost, u dosadašnjoj praksi uglavnom nisu davala očekivane rezultate! Ruska ideja pokrenuta je na osnovi nove Koncepcije ruske spoljne politike, a vremenski se podudara i sa procesom redefinisanja novog koncepta NATO, što još više ukazuje na neophodnost stvarnog preispitivanja postojećih rešenja i uvođenja suštinskih novina u ovoj, veoma značajnoj oblasti.
PB  - Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd
T2  - Vojno delo
T1  - New strategic concept of NATO and Russian initiative for change in European security architecture
T1  - Das neue strategische Konzept der NATO und die russische Initiative für die Änderung der europäischen Sicherheitsarchitektur
T1  - Novi strategijski koncept NATO-a i Ruska inicijativa za promenu arhitekture evropske bezbednosti
VL  - 62
IS  - 4
SP  - 146
EP  - 164
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Jeftić, Zoran and Mladenović, Miroslav and Mandić, Goran",
year = "2010",
abstract = "New NATO strategic concept was adopted by the end of 2010. Before that, the Russian initiative for creating a new European security architecture was released. Whether the views of the East and the West in these activities concerning one of the most important issues of the present day - personal and collective security - are closer than before, and whether the world is more secure and regulated following these initiatives - time will tell. This paper does not aspire to provide final answers to these and other questions. This is only an attempt to perceive basic aspects of the existing differences between Russia and the West in comprehending the security issue, and to extend to the readers, against that background, a unique intellectual challenge and invitation to analyze on their own, through the prism of the metamorphosis of two traditionally confronted parties' relations, the contemporaneousness in the area of security. The main assumption of the problem analysis is based on the fact that the differences between NATO, USA and Europe, on one side, and Russia, on the other side, in their approaches to general problems, in particular in the area of security, are still substantial and represent a large, often unbridgeable obstacle for initiating a proper dialog. The more so because the latest initiatives, included in the new NATO strategic concept and in the Russian motion for redefining the European security architecture, unambiguously comprise an initiative and a wish for a dialog. Unfortunately, in the former practice, such efforts for the most part have not produced expected results! The Russian idea was initiated on the basis of the new Concept of the Russian Foreign Policy and coincides in time also with the process of redefining the new NATO concept, which even more points to the necessity of actual reconsideration of the existing solutions and introduction of essential novelties in this, very important area., Novi strategijski koncept NATO-a usvojen je krajem 2010. godine. Pre toga objavljena je ruska inicijativa za stvaranje nove arhitekture evropske bezbednosti. Da li su ovim aktivnostima stavovi 'Istoka' i 'Zapada' o jednom od najvažnijih pitanja današnjice - ličnoj i kolektivnoj bezbednosti - bliži nego ranije i da li je svet posle tih inicijativa bezbedniji i uređeniji, pokazaće vreme. Ovaj rad nema ambiciju da daje konačne odgovore na ta i druga pitanja. To je samo pokušaj da se uoče osnovni aspekti postojećih razlika između Rusije i Zapada u poimanju problema bezbednosti i da se, na tom fonu, čitaocima uputi svojevrsni intelektualni izazov i poziv da kroz prizmu metamorfoze odnosa dve tradicionalno suprotstavljene strane sami analiziraju savremenost u sferi bezbednosti. Osnovna postavka analize problema zasnovana je na činjenici da su razlike između NATO, SAD i Evrope, s jedne strane i Rusije, sa druge, u pristupu opštim problemima, a u sferi bezbednosti posebno, i dalje veoma značajne i da predstavljaju veliku, često nepremostivu prepreku za pokretanje pravog dijaloga. Ovo tim više što poslednje inicijative, sadržane u novom strategijskom konceptu NATO-a i ruskom predlogu za redefinisanje evropske arhitekture bezbednosti, nedvosmisleno sadrže inicijativu i želju za dijalogom. Takva nastojanja, nažalost, u dosadašnjoj praksi uglavnom nisu davala očekivane rezultate! Ruska ideja pokrenuta je na osnovi nove Koncepcije ruske spoljne politike, a vremenski se podudara i sa procesom redefinisanja novog koncepta NATO, što još više ukazuje na neophodnost stvarnog preispitivanja postojećih rešenja i uvođenja suštinskih novina u ovoj, veoma značajnoj oblasti.",
publisher = "Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd",
journal = "Vojno delo",
title = "New strategic concept of NATO and Russian initiative for change in European security architecture, Das neue strategische Konzept der NATO und die russische Initiative für die Änderung der europäischen Sicherheitsarchitektur, Novi strategijski koncept NATO-a i Ruska inicijativa za promenu arhitekture evropske bezbednosti",
volume = "62",
number = "4",
pages = "146-164"
}

Jeftić, Z., Mladenović, M.,& Mandić, G.. (2010). New strategic concept of NATO and Russian initiative for change in European security architecture. in Vojno delo
Ministarstvo odbrane Srbije - Vojnoizdavački zavod, Beograd., 62(4), 146-164.

Jeftić Z, Mladenović M, Mandić G. New strategic concept of NATO and Russian initiative for change in European security architecture. in Vojno delo. 2010;62(4):146-164..

Jeftić, Zoran, Mladenović, Miroslav, Mandić, Goran, "New strategic concept of NATO and Russian initiative for change in European security architecture" in Vojno delo, 62, no. 4 (2010):146-164.

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Ivaniš, Željko
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Dragišić, Zoran
PY  - 2006
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/17
PB  - Fakultet civilne odbrane, Beograd
T1  - Politički sistem
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Ivaniš, Željko and Mladenović, Miroslav and Dragišić, Zoran",
year = "2006",
publisher = "Fakultet civilne odbrane, Beograd",
title = "Politički sistem"
}

Ivaniš, Ž., Mladenović, M.,& Dragišić, Z.. (2006). Politički sistem. 
Fakultet civilne odbrane, Beograd..

Ivaniš Ž, Mladenović M, Dragišić Z. Politički sistem. 2006;..

Ivaniš, Željko, Mladenović, Miroslav, Dragišić, Zoran, "Politički sistem" (2006).

TY  - BOOK
AU  - Todorić, Slobodan
AU  - Mladenović, Miroslav
AU  - Gostović, Dragan
PY  - 2001
UR  - https://rhinosec.fb.bg.ac.rs/handle/123456789/8
PB  - Vojna akademija Vojske Jugoslavije, Beograd
T1  - Politički sistem
ER  - 

@book{
author = "Todorić, Slobodan and Mladenović, Miroslav and Gostović, Dragan",
year = "2001",
publisher = "Vojna akademija Vojske Jugoslavije, Beograd",
title = "Politički sistem"
}

Todorić, S., Mladenović, M.,& Gostović, D.. (2001). Politički sistem. 
Vojna akademija Vojske Jugoslavije, Beograd..

Todorić S, Mladenović M, Gostović D. Politički sistem. 2001;..

Todorić, Slobodan, Mladenović, Miroslav, Gostović, Dragan, "Politički sistem" (2001).